Below these mega-corporations there was a second tier of regional corporations consisting of 43 companies, which were, apart from one Latin American company Televisa, Mexico and one Australian company PBL , all based in either North America 21 companies, including three Canadian , Europe ten companies, including five British or Japan nine companies Variety, Overall, U. In the past few decades intellectual property has become of major significance — that is, the cultural industries increasingly operate around the ownership rights of films, TV programs, songs, brands.
This enables them to circulate characters, icons, and narratives across many different media, and deploy intensive cross-promotion Hesmondhalgh, : , However, one must not overlook the co-implication of non-American investors in all of this. Ironically, French companies have been major investors in Hollywood since the s. The management of conglomerates in the French film industry no longer felt obliged to defend those established values of high culture so long espoused by their intellectual compatriots. But this did not mean basic changes in cultural content. At the turn of the new millennium, Americanizing forces were expected to remain strong in popular culture in the foreseeable future Rosendorf, : However, certain American cultural media contents have become less popular around the world.
Foreign sales of American TV programs have declined, as locals increasingly preferred locally produced shows. This has much to do with the cultural specificity in television drama which does not simply transfer well to all foreign cultures. Export programming appeared to take hold only in cultural niches of narrative compatibility Frau-Meigs, In , among the 60 countries in a worldwide survey 71 percent of their top 10 programs were locally produced.
The worldwide television market is growing, but America is becoming less dominant in it. S imports. Indian, Egyptian, and Mexican soap operas undercut the price of U. However, the latter companies have extensive ties to and joint ventures with American media companies, as well as with Wall Street investment banks.
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They are also primary instigators and beneficiaries of the expansion of the U. Syria has become a major exporter of television dramas to the Arabic world. China, potentially the largest cable TV market in the world, proved to be hard to penetrate by Fox, Time Warner and other big program providers. Only 50 million Chinese speak Cantonese, however, while million speak Mandarin. Disney experiences heavy competition from Japanese, Philippine, and Taiwanese producers for the 40 percent market left for cartoons, as Chinese law requires that 60 percent of all cartoons on the air be made in China McChesney, : ; Mann, : ; Marling, : , The U.
In , 32 percent of Internet sites were American, 28 percent European and 26 percent Asian. And the non-English content of the Internet was growing very fast, which could be gauged, among other things, by the growth in registration of new domain names. By the U. Great Britain and German were second and third, each with about 10 percent, followed by Canada, South Korea, and the Netherlands. The total number of domains attributable to English-speaking nations declined from 74 percent in to 59 percent in By , million people could access the Internet — million of them lived in the United States or Canada, but the rate growth had slowed there.
Social inequality in the evolution of human societies
Equally large numbers of Internet users lived both in Europe million and the Asian Pacific region million , while there were more than 33 million users in Latin American and over 6 million in Africa Mann, : ; Marling, : In recent years we have seen the rise of new forms of popular culture invented, produced, and marketed in Europe, Australia or Japan which are then turned into global phenomena.
Intriguingly, this takes place according to the former principles of Americanization, including those of the United States. Clearly the dissemination is not a one-way process, and American popular culture undergoes changes as well through these foreign influences. Next to the abovementioned globalizing forces first of all coming from the West including cultural flows from the South, Latin America, to the North , one can notice the rise of cultural movements with a global outreach that originate outside the Western world but impinge on the latter.
In this context one should not forget the influence of Japanese and East Asian forms of capitalism and the associated business practices Nederveen Pieterse, : 38, A specific example is the Japanese management vogue from the late s, which lasted until the economic difficulties in Asia in the s, when this influence began to wane. A large part of the globalizing cultural influence from outside the Western world concerns religion. A world religion such as Islam involves diverse cultural movements. But Islamic movements in Turkey and elsewhere in the Muslim world e.
Other examples of influential religious movements on a global scale can be found in India, for example the Sai Baba movement which is strongly supernaturalistic, and opposed to a modern scientific worldview with many centers in Europe and North America, and Hare Krishna, a more visible case of an Indian cultural export. Successful in this regard as well have been a number of Buddhist movements, such as Soka Gakkai hailing from Japan and the Tzu-Chi Foundation in Taiwan with branches in forty countries. Last but not least, there is New Age culture, not conveyed by organized religious movements, but arguably the most important cultural influence coming from Asia into the West, which has affected the beliefs and behaviors of millions of people in America and Europe.
This can be traced to creative reinterpretations of Hindu, Buddhist, indigenous American, and other non-Western traditions that have been going on for more than a century Berger, : Another interesting example of reverse cultural flows to the West is the dissemination of traditional Asian medicines, health and fitness practices and approaches to mental health.
These have become popular among substantial sections of the middle classes in Europe and North America. However, the local producers and musicians concerned — many living and working in developing countries — tend to have little control over the categorization of their music. Consequently, structural molds such as these tend to be biased towards a Western, predominantly Anglo-American staple that expresses the global hegemonic position of the metropolitan centers concerned. The study of cultural globalization as it impinges on local settings should always imply appropriate contextualization and localization.
Context is to be understood here as a multidimensional, time- and place-bound phenomenon that includes the political-economic and technological contexts and the geographic dimension, place or location of the process; the relational dimensions, such as the social positioning of the recipients; as well as the temporal dimensions, such as historical memory particularly of earlier globalizing influences, including alleged or real American influences in the past and the juxtaposition of historical experience and interpretation of the people concerned.
Social positioning refers to dissimilarities in gender, class, race, ethnicity, ideological, and other subject characteristics that lead to different ways in which locals respond to the cultural globalization they are facing or actively involved in. This may, if not cautiously done, lead to myopia in that important influences from other countries, broader cultural-geographic areas or regional subglobalizations are down-played or even ignored.
Some forms of globalizing culture allow for more selective borrowing and creative appropriation than others. Mass-popular culture as part of consumer culture appears to be most open to active reception. For people looking for signs and symbols of a lifestyle, U. Here an intriguing process has been at work regarding local appropriations of globalizing U.
Thorough socialization into mass-mediated American culture during the formative years of people growing up in a society located firmly within the U. S popular culture because of being both an outsider and an insider to American culture. The responses of students in discussions about this subject in media and culture courses recently given in the Netherlands, showed diverse patterns that demonstrate the complexities of Americanization abroad, ranging from what can be seen as an interpretation in terms of U.
And, like among previous generations, enjoyment of American popular culture could very well coincide with criticism of U. But against this it should be noted that the influx of globalizing popular culture can have a crucial impact locally. It all depends on time and circumstances, which are both critical to the meanings and effects of the cultural objects in question. The former is at stake when the adoption of a Western practice amounts to an embrace of Western culture in a deeply meaningful — sacred — way. But much consumption of Western culture takes place on a routine basis — sometimes a burger is just a burger, and thus a non-sacramental act Berger, : 7 Which type of consumption prevails cannot be decided a priori but only on the basis of empirical research of the case in question.
Peter Berger is correct in stating that this insight helps explain the broad appeal of the new global culture. I would argue, however, that the appeal value concerns foremost a transculturally shared structure of feelings among people taking part in the dominant form of Western modernity.
It does not pertain to those groups of people even whole cultures who are not, or to a much lesser degree, committed to this type of modernity. Their members may not feel attracted to or even be repulsed by particular elements of the new global culture such as the excesses of possessive individualism and consumer culture, for example as they take part in one of the other modernities there are.
Other forms of modernization may be less threatening to ordinary people in this regard, even though these modalities all experience the ongoing influence of neoliberal globalization to a lesser or greater degree as well. These alternatives include forms of social market capitalism in continental Europe, state-assisted capitalisms in East and Southeast Asia, capitalisms embedded in specific variants of Islamic culture as, for example in Anatolia, Turkey, as well as state-led post industrialization and mobilization of the masses in various Latin American countries with newly emerged forms of left-wing populism and socialism Nederveen Pieterse, : , Robinson, The question remains how much leeway there is for the articulation of these alternative modernities within the emerging global culture.
The challenges that the new global culture poses to the societies it impinges upon evoke a variety of responses occurring on a scale between acceptance and rejection, with in-between positions of coexistence and synthesis. In addition there is a wider variety of reactions by the target societies, including those initiated by governments. There are cases of unreserved acceptance as occurs among members of a global network of ambitious young people in business and the professions whose members speak fluent English and dress and act alike, at work and at play, and up to a point think alike a yuppie-like transnational group Berger, : Local culture creators may, upon being exposed to foreign culture, attempt to create imitations of it for local consumption.
But at the other extreme there are attempts at militant rejection , be it from the standpoint of religion or nationalism. Some states, like North Korea and Afghanistan when it was ruled by the Taliban, have tried to hermetically close its territory and people off from alien cultural influences. There are also relatively less totalitarian forms of rejection, typically practiced by governments trying to balance global economic participation with resistance against Western globalizing culture — China is the most important contemporary example of this.
There are many cultures that seek to resist intermingling with others by creating new certainties. One manifestation is the creation of new states defined on the basis of a single ethno-nationality. In the worst-case scenario the drive for ethnic territorialism leads to ethnic cleansing and even systematic attempts at genocide. This new insistence on ethnic and religious difference has created serious dilemmas for established nation-states, which have shown a large variation in the extent to which they are open to newcomers or, by contrast, demand cultural and social adjustment on the part of immigrants and residents.
Then there are the cases in-between acceptance and rejection. Almost everywhere one finds instances of localization , in which the global culture is accepted but with significant modifications. One important element was that the contract with customers had to be modified in order to allow for lingering: housewives relaxing in the restaurant after shopping or other errands and schoolchildren before going home.
From the perspective of globalization theory, McDonaldization is subject to the forces of pluralism indeed. When McDonaldized models are imported they are always undergoing indigenous adaptation Watson, These models can develop locally in a process of emulation and a McDonaldized model can be employed for a variety of purposes, with different products, organization, and effects.
On the other hand, however, one should not exaggerate the heterogeneity of McDonaldized systems in diverse local settings, thereby downplaying their cultural power as a major force of a homogenizing globalization predicated on Western corporate logic and business systems Kellner, The cultural localizations can be more far-reaching. For example, Buddhist movements in Taiwan have adopted the organizational forms of American Protestantism to propagate their non-American, non-Western religious message.
These newly revitalized Buddhist groups have taken on a worldly approach through their involvements in social welfare and medical services, education, publishing books, and environmentalism, which has drastically transformed the way in which religion has been practiced in Taiwan for centuries. One can also argue, as William Marling does with regard to U.
From ATMs and container ports to airfreight and bar codes, technologies and technological devices pioneered in the United States have been adopted by other societies, which are now going into competition with and sometimes surpassing the United States. Marling correctly emphasizes that local adaptations of U. The logistical systems that deliver products and services — financial services, container shipping, airfreight, computing — will move toward standards, such as technological efficiency and economies of scale.
These enable flows of goods and services across cultures. To the extent that logistical systems can, they accommodate to local cultures. For example, the language interfaces of ATMs can be local incorporating languages locally in use , but their logistical systems will be global. Sharing logistical expertise with Americans, nations like India and China are likely to be drawn closer to the United States in some ways, as they adopt practices like franchising or just-in-time manufacturing but customize them to their use.
On the other hand, however, Americans still remain far ahead in the domain of logistical invention as demonstrated by the highly sophisticated level of systems integration by a company like UPS. Other Anglo-American practices, such as using the money market, allow people elsewhere in the world to invest in money market funds as well, which reduces the advantage Americans initially have had in accumulating including the risk of losing wealth this way Marling, : , It is also true that across the world standardization in production and delivery systems and in the associated management practices of corporate businesses takes place.
This is not the same as a complete leveling out of national cultural differences and homogenization of products. Most products or practices must also be adapted to the tastes and cultural preferences of the local market. Strictly speaking, however, there is nothing uniquely American about standardization, commercialization, automation, computerization, digitalization and the like.
As early as the nineteenth century, but increasingly after World War II, many Europeans and other observers overseas thought things to be American that are merely characteristics of a modern technological age, which has flourished first and most visibly in the United States. They have therefore been of particular relevance for the ongoing processes of enhanced globalization. Global influences also can bring about a revitalization of indigenous cultural forms. Thus the inroad of Western-based fast food chains in India, Japan, and Turkey has led to the development of fast food outlets for traditional foods, and the invasion of Western fashions in Japan has fostered the development of an indigenous fashion industry marked by distinctively Japanese aesthetics Aoki, ; Chase, ; Srinivas, A local response to the globalizing culture in question may entail a more conscious cultural opposition , whereby local culture is used to challenge or oppose part of it.
Such a movement can be extended to include other cultural fields like music, the performing arts, and films, as occurred in Taiwan in the s and s Hsiao, : For example, in recent years several Asian civilizations reasserted the role that a nationalist project may play through the oppositional power of a national literature as in South Korea or a national art and cinema, with India as the prototypical example. Localization may also shade over to another response, hybridization , which refers to the deliberate effort to synthesize foreign and native cultural traits.
An eminent example is the development of an overseas Chinese business culture from Taiwan, combining the most modern business techniques with traditional Chinese personalism extending to employer-employee relations with an emphasis on family-like harmony, unity, loyalty and emotional commitment, and a strongly family-orientated private life of managers.
Thus a defining feature of Taiwanese businesses is a strong paternalistic organizational culture. Yet in the business cultures of the locally active multinational companies as well as in many of the local companies operating in world markets some fusion of American, European, Japanese, and Taiwanese-Chinese management styles has emerged.
In both cases the hybridization does not involve an intermixing of diverse capitalisms. The first case builds upon the coexistence or juxtaposition of the Taiwanese family business model with globalized Fordism from the United States and Toyotism from Japan Hsiao, : The second case includes the state-led capitalism of this newly industrialized, communist state in which the key to business success is special connections to key persons who are in charge of relevant government agencies and determine the policies and regulations in question Yan, : Other interesting cases are the multiple syncretisms between Christianity and traditional religions in the African indigenous churches Bernstein, : and between popular Catholicism, African collective memories, and indigenous Indian religions in Latin America Ortiz, : In the case of mass-popular culture, hybridization sometimes evolves further away from the Western-originated cultural input.
Rather they are anchored in the diverse cultures and centered on issues of Indian society Tyrell, Needless to say, the concept of hybridity is problematic in so far as it suggests the mixing of completely separate and homogeneous cultural spheres or identities, while the anthropological and historical records show that all cultures are hybrid. In fact, contemporary accelerated globalization entails the hybridization of hybrid cultures. But hybridization has another side which makes it even more complex, as Nederveen Pieterse points out. Chinese tacos and Irish bagels reflect ethnic crossover in employment patterns in the American fast food sector.
Paradoxically, what appears from one perspective as hybridization here can, from another angle be interpreted in terms of transnational affinities in sensibility or attitude. In other words, the other side of cultural hybridity is transcultural convergence in cases such as these. With regard to the dissemination of American culture abroad the anthropological literature abounds with interesting examples of creative appropriation of imported consumer goods, as well as the impact of modern means of communication and transportation in facilitating the continued interaction and identification of migrants from developing countries in America with their societies and cultures of origin.
The cultural complexities of the hybridization process that can be at issue here are well illustrated by the following elaborate example borrowed from a case study of Haitian transnational migration Richman, In order to finance the lavish feasts that their gods - the Iwa of vodun - occasionally demand from them, Haitian peasants have become almost exclusively dependent on remittances from their family members who migrated to North America.
This is possible, because these migrants, despite their residence in New York, Miami or Toronto, retain membership in bilateral descent groups. These social entities, known as eritaj , comprise ancestors as well as living kin, and membership includes not only the right of inheritance of family land, but also the obligation to serve the lwa associated with this corporate unit and the susceptibility to the influence of these gods.
This fact, as well as others Even the African gods in question are subjected to the magical workings of commodity fetishism. We may wonder, however, to what extent power inequities between the metropolitan and peripheral cultures are reproduced in the cultural mix in question. Semi-peripheral areas are former core regions of the world system, de-industrializing as the core of the system shifts from one locus to another.
The relationship between the core areas and the peripheral regions serves to maintain the economic status quo and the uneven politic-economic power structure. Cores benefit s capital and inexpensive human labor flow into their sector of the international economy from the periphery and semi-periphery. Importantly, this relative position changes over time, so that historically the "core" of the world economy shifted from Spain to France, Belgium and the Netherlands and eventually to England over time.
The expanding production and capital accumulation in the Pacific Rim today may signal the ascendancy of that region into the "core' of the world economy, Similarly, patterns of mass consumption arose at various times in Europe and reflected the shifting position of regions and the intimate systemic interaction of those regions to the extent that changes in one area precipitated changes in other areas. Like McCracken, however, we must reach the conclusion that the development of consumer culture is an ongoing process, the specific details of which vary over time and space.
See Belk for an excellent discussion of mass consumer culture developing in the Third World. As in production, we can observe differences in consumption which affect and are affected by the relative position of the nation or region in the world economy as core, periphery or semi-periphery. In the fully developed economy of the core region, broad consumer choice is markedly evident.
A full range of goods and services is available, with notable variation in price and quality within each product category. This variation accommodates the needs and desires of all classes and professions in the fully fleshed-out and complex social structure of the core area. Locally manufactured items are abundant, while raw goods and food often come from outside the industrialized region. In contrast, consumption in the periphery is marked by fewer overall total goods and less variety in the full product range as well as within a product category.
Finally, as with production, the consumption patterns of the semi-periphery are transitional between those of the core and those of the full periphery. The availability of goods declines and consumer choice becomes more and more restricted over time. First, it is clear that the concept of social class is necessary in order to fully understand the reported behavior historically. The emphasis on material accumulation and the ability to accumulate penetrated the social fabric unevenly, affecting the lower class of landless laborers, the rising middle class, and the nobility at different times.
Furthermore, an analysis cognizant of the dimension of class and the utility of a world systems approach addresses another important theoretical issue: production, distribution, and consumption must be analyzed together. Wallerstein over-emphasizes production, for example, while McCracken stresses consumption to a near exclusion of production. The "revolution" was one of all aspects of the socio-economic system, involving production, distribution and consumption, but affecting different regions and different classes at varying times.
While this understanding is implicit in the analyses of these theorists, it must be made explicit. Marx, on the other hand, clearly points to the dialectical interactions of production and consumption in the capitalist system The concise description of these behaviors as they evolved socially and temporally in the case study presented here illustrates the intimate connections between changing patterns of production and distribution and forms of consumption.
Information for the following case study was collected during several weeks in the summers of , and and during a year-long period from November to October The author participated in and observed the changing lifestyle of residents of the island of Cephalonia as they were affected by circulating migrants and Greek and foreign tourists during these times, with particular emphasis on the village of Sami.
With the help of a local research assistant, a demographic and socioeconomic survey of the village was conducted for both the winter population of and the summer population of 3,, swollen by returning migrant family members and tourists. Lengthy and numerous depth interviews were conducted with key informants throughout the several phases of research as well. In the following pages, the origins and spread of a consumption ideology emphasizing material accumulation over time in the developing social classes is outlined. The paper concludes with an exploration of consumer culture and two of its agents--the migrant and the tourist--in modem Greece.
See Aschenbrenner for a discussion of similar processes in another Greek village; see also Hughes , Srinivas The island of Cephalonia lies to the west of the Peloponnesian Peninsula in Greece and is the largest of the islands in the Ionian Sea. Irregularly shaped and ruggedly mountainous, the island is approximately 15 miles wide and 25 miles long.
The soil is relatively infertile and rocky, with few areas of cultivable level land. From early times, Cephalonia was an important strategic landfall, control of which became increasingly desirable as political powers vied with one another for domination of the Mediterranean and trade with the Levant.
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Later, Cephalonia became an economic asset in its own right with the introduction of the currant crop and the extensive reliance on the currant as an important part of the import and export ventures of the Venetians and the British Goodisson For several centuries leading up to the end of the 19th century, the larger valleys were owned by aristocratic families, members of a nobility which became entrenched during the lengthy period of indirect and direct Venetian rule.
The majority of the island's inhabitants were landless laborers and small landowners who depended on the large landholders and their magistrates to provide seed, purchase crops, and facilitate access to markets. While the population of Cephalonia has fluctuated throughout the several thousand years for which historic and prehistoric evidence exists, it is unlikely that the population ever rose above , Since the middle of the twentieth century, Cephalonians have emigrated in large numbers, and the census of registered only 27, inhabitants.
Depopulation in this century is a result of the continuing spread of an ideology of consumption, combined with the perceived need to migrate in order to obtain sufficient income to meet expanding consumer needs and wants. Attitudes and beliefs conducive to the eventual evolution of a mass consumer culture are evident in early historical periods in Greece. Mercantile capitalism and urbanization in Classical and Roman Greece combined to create a demand for certain consumer goods, and prestige was awarded to those who were able to undertake particular lifestyles associated with material accumulation.
As the Greek distribution network spread, commercial ports were established along the coasts throughout the Mediterranean. The trade goods were primarily luxury, "non-essential" products, ownership of which required a certain amount of wealth and, in turn, conveyed status. Trading with Egypt and the Levant, Greek and Roman merchants returned to their homes with lapis lazuli, ivory, and glass. Precious metals and gems were acquired in exchange for surpluses of olive oil, wine and grain produced locally.
Costly Roman funeral incense is an excellent example of an expensive, rare product utilized by the wealthy as an indication of prestige Johnson The number of people able to engage in the accumulation of such desirable objects was small and confined primarily to the wealthy class.
Furthermore, the wealthy appear to have exploited their economic and political power during times of general governmental weakness to maintain and increase their material wealth and consumption of luxury products at the expense of the poor see Bon , Costa However, there are indications that peasants and laborers sought the same consumer goods but found it difficult to obtain them.
While an ideology emphasizing a certain consumer behavior pattern may exist, it cannot be enacted without the productive means, and such means did not exist for the majority of Greek society. Distribution in the form of merchant shipping expanded in the Mediterranean in the eleventh century under Byzantine influence and the escalating activities of Norman conquerors. Into the 12th and 13th centuries, periods of rampant piracy, Cephalonia was sought as a strategic landfall with calm ports suitable for both military and merchant activities Cosmetatos Under the various Norman and Frank rulers, the position of Cephalonia evolved from one of independence, to indirect rule as leaders were forced to ally with Venice for protection, to one of direct rule by the Venetian power.
The small middle class continued to trade in preciosities, as well as agricultural products, wine, and oil during this period. Land was being concentrated in the hands of a few, and a rigid upper class with distinctive consumption behaviors was developing. In the 14th century, some Cephalonian women were weaving silk, and their husbands were exporting the cloth Froissart Tax revenues from the island were high and were an indication of general prosperity Kirkwall ; Pratt As Venice consolidated her hold over Cephalonia, production and consumption patterns and class formation responded.
The period of direct rule, , witnessed the crystallization of a feudal system whereby individuals were granted fiefs and the nobility became entrenched in the rural parts of the island. Peasants produced surplus for the aristocratic landholders, who used the products to support a consumption lifestyle that can only be termed "lavish" when compared to that of the typical Cephalonian. Importantly, it was during the Venetian period in Cephalonia that the international or world capitalist economy described by Wallerstein was evolving in Europe.
Prior to that time, empires, rather than world economies, existed, and it is not possible to characterize Cephalonia or any other region of Europe as core, periphery, or semiperiphery, since the international division of labor discussed by Wallerstein had not yet come into being. With the introduction of the currant crop in the early 's, a shift from subsistence agriculture to commercial production for the international market occurred. This alteration had important implications for the lifestyle and consumption patterns of the nobility and evolving middle class of merchants and shop-owners dependent on the currant trade for their livelihood.
Using accumulated proceeds from currant production, large landholders purchased and consumed luxury foreign goods, "woollen or silk fabrics with caviar, coffee, and spices from the orient" Pratt , as well as sugar and rice. Clothing varied by class, and, as in other parts of Europe, the type of clothing worn was proscribed for certain individuals in order to maintain distinct class identities; "wigs were worn in society" Cosmetatos Nobles wore clothing made from fine imported fabrics and lace; trousseau lists indicate a similar reliance on foreign-made materials and objects among the wealthy.
In the s, the wealthy began to use imported linen from France, muslin from Constantinople, and Belgian lace in their clothing. Imported knitted stockings appeared in Cephalonia at the same time. Even during periods of economic decline, nobility continued to purchase and wear fine clothes in order to maintain social status. By the late 's, rich families often had their daughters' trousseaux prepared abroad Ibid: In the 16th and 17th centuries, aristocrats who aspired to Venetian government posts were obliged to own houses in the growing towns, in addition to their country estates.
By the late 18th and early 19th centuries, these homes were large and boasted extensive gardens. For the first time in Cephalonian history, the interiors were heavily decorated Cosmetatos Italian artists were brought to the island to paint ceilings and murals. Furthermore, "each of the houses contained a modem pram, as much a status symbol as was a knowledge of French for young marriageable girls" Ibid.
The rising middle class owed its existence to trade and consisted primarily of merchants, owners of ships, and ship captains. Their consumption patterns over time reflected growing affluence and a dependence on commerce, and their trousseau lists show the use of imported cottons and the late 16th and 17th century apron, fashionable throughout Europe by this time.
As they continued to travel abroad for purposes of income production, they added more foreign products to their dowries, including furniture for their homes. In this consumption behavior, as with those discussed above, they emulated the patterns of the local and foreign nobility, who began to consume these "luxury" goods at an earlier point in time.
While the nobility and middle classes used their income from commerce to support comparatively lavish lifestyles, however, the peasants produced and sold the currants merely to survive. Throughout the Venetian and British periods and into the midth century, the lower classes of the island continued to produce and consume at a near-subsistence level. Living in small one-room houses with dirt floors and few pieces of furniture, peasants wore home-spun clothing and ate simple diets of bread, olive oil, cheese and gathered greens.
Meat was consumed perhaps once or twice a year at Christmas and Easter and only when an animal was available for slaughter. The consumption of any type of "luxury" good was out of the question and well beyond the means of the majority of Cephalonians. The data indicate increasing integration of the local level with extra-local levels, as the aristocrats and the middle class exemplify changes in production, distribution, and consumption associated with contact with European society and Levantine trade.
During the Venetian period, however, Cephalonia was directly attached to a part of the world economy--Venice--which Wallerstein refers to as "semi-peripheral," a de-industrializing, formerly powerful sector of the international politico-economic system , The decline would continue and accelerate through the British period, to , and into the modern phase of Cephalonian history. As it did, relative wealth and affluence characteristic among the upper echelons of society during the early Venetian period declined as well. By the end of the British era, numerous aristocrats and merchants had emigrated from the island Costa , b; Markopoulou In the modern period, Cephalonia and the other Ionian islands became part of a "peripheral" sector of the world economy--Greece.
Utilizing world systems theory as it applies to Greece today, the weak central political organization, and the role of Greece as exporter of raw goods and, importantly, human labor, as well as importer and consumer of foreign manufactured goods, place Greece in this "peripheral" category. As the focus narrows specifically to Cephalonia, it is clear that the island is now a peripheral region of a peripheral country.
Cephalonia has "exported" 75 percent of its human population in this century. As that population returns periodically in the circulating migration pattern, Cephalonians become exposed to foreign manufactured products and, in turn, acquire the desire to obtain these products themselves. Eventually, local store-owners import the goods from companies located in Athens or Patras who have themselves imported the items originally from foreign sources.
Like migration, tourism exposes Cephalonians to similar processes of change in consumption, distribution and production. Feudalism began to decline during British rule from to ; land reformations and redistributions under the modern Greek government secured the total demise of the feudal system, as large landholders lost most of their land and the control of peasants attached to the land. Agricultural production in Cephalonia today is primarily to supplement income earned in other ways.
In , full-time agriculturalists made up only thirteen percent of the heads of households in the main village under study. Typical nonagricultural economic activities include shop-keeping, wage labor in construction, fishing and herding, employment in the merchant marine, and work in hotels, restaurants or other service-oriented businesses.
The latter have become increasingly profitable as Greek and foreign tourists visit the island more frequently and in greater numbers since Employment in the merchant marine has been a common pursuit for Cephalonians for several centuries. With respect to the issue at hand, various forms of migration and increasing tourism in Cephalonia are important factors in the spread of a consumer ideology throughout the social fabric of this island. For the first time in history, the lower classes have the productive means to pursue mass consumer culture.
The patterns of migration have had a particularly important impact on the consumption behavior of Cephalonians. Beginning at the turn of the 20th century, lower class Cephalonians joined the thousands of other Greeks migrating to the United States to take advantage of economic opportunities at a time when the local economy was collapsing Costa , b; Saloutos